Free East Timor
End 21 Years of Genocide
On
December 7, 1975 Indonesia invaded East Timor. The
awarding of the Nobel Peace Prize to two outspoken East Timorese, Catholic
Bishop Belo and diplomat Jose Ramos‑Horta, brought renewed attention to this great injustice. The invasion took the lives of one-third of
the population of East Timor "due to starvation, epidemics, war and
terror" the Nobel committee said.
The military assault on East Timor, its subsequent
"annexation" and the ongoing abuses of human rights are made possible
by U.S. supplied weapons and political support. The award of the Nobel Peace Prize is a strong rebuke to this
policy.
The
genocide and killing continue to this day.
Human rights groups, the U.S. State Department, and UN human rights
investigators have documented widespread human rights violations—including
arbitrary arrest, torture and summary executions—by Indonesia in East Timor. In
the most publicized example, over 250 East Timorese were killed while
peacefully demonstrating for their independence in November 1991. Indonesian soldiers fired U.S. made M‑16
rifles at the unarmed crowd. In the
face of this and countless other atrocities, East Timorese, young and old,
continue to risk their lives in the ongoing struggle for their rights.
U.S.
companies—like Phillips Petroleum—are now exploring for oil in waters off East
Timor. Profits from this oil won't
benefit the East Timorese, but will only help line the pockets of the U.S.
corporations and the generals who have ruled for over 30 years.
Indonesia
must withdraw its troops from East Timor and cooperate with a UN‑supervised
referendum. The East Timorese have the right to decide their own future. Other nations, especially the United States,
must make it clear that a vote on self-determination is long overdue. As a start, arms sales to Indonesia must
end.
At
great risk, East Timorese are resisting Indonesia's illegal occupation. All that they want is to determine their own
future. Many Indonesians are demanding democracy for themselves and
self-determination for East Timor. They deserve our active support.
The
East Timor Action Network (ETAN) works to
support human rights and self-determination for East Timor. Contact us for speakers, videos and other
resources, and to join our campaign.
What You Can Do
** Get involved. Write
letters‑to‑the‑editor. Organize a presentation before a group, at your house of worship or
in the community. Contact ETAN)
** Send a contribution to
support the work of ETAN.
** Write
President Anton and Congress. Urge them to:
Support a UN‑supervised referendum by the East
Timorese; stop all arms sales to Indonesia including the proposed sale of F-16 jet fighters;(sale cancelled 6 / 97) and call on
Indonesia to respect human rights; withdraw its troops from East Timor; and
free all political prisoners.
(Call
the White House comment line: 202-456‑1111; fax: 202‑456-2883;
e-mail: president@whitehouse.gov; or write President Clinton, 1600 Pennsylvania
Ave, Washington DC 20500. Call Senators and Representatives at 202‑224‑3121. Not sure who your member of congress is,
contact the League of women voters.)
Name__________________________
Organization_____________________ .
Address__________________________________
City
________________State_____Zip_________
Phone___________Fax_____________
E-mail_______________________________________
____
Please put me on your mailing list and keep me informed of your activities
____
Enclosed is my contribution of [ ] $125 [ ] $60 [ ] $25 [ ] $____to support the
work of the East Timor Action Network
____Send___U.S.
Weapons Out of East Timor buttons or bumper stickers ($1.25 each)
Please
make check payable to ETAN, tax-deductible contributions over $50 can be
payable to
"WESPAC
Foundation / ETAN " Return to: East Timor Action Network/NY, PO Box
150753, Brooklyn, NY, 11215; (718) 788-6071; fbp@igc.apc.org 2/97
The Washington Post, Saturday, June 21, 1997
A White House Visit
WITH 193 million people, Indonesia
is the fourth most populous nation in the world. Its rapid development during
the past two decades has moved most Indonesians out of abject poverty, and now many of them want more political
freedom. How the regime responds to
those aspirations will affect US. political and economic interest in a vital
area of the world.
President
Suharto, who has ruled the Indonesian
archipelago for an astonishing three decades-plus, staged one of his regular
election exercises last month. The
intention was to show his people, and the world, that at the age of 76 he
remains firmly in command. The effect
was quite the opposite, the world saw that the president is increasingly out of
touch with his prospering, multiethnic nation.
The regime's repression of any credible opposition led to violent
outbreaks in many parts of the country.
His refusal to establish a process for orderly succession, to deal with
growing corruption among his relatives and cronies or to provide any space for
a civil society can only cause anxiety about Indonesia's future.
Nowhere is the cause for concern
greater than in East Timor, a distant island that has been resisting Indonesian
colonization for more than 20 years.
Indonesia seized East Timor with a war that cost the lives of
perhaps one-third of the Timorese population, originally only 800,000 or
so. Since then a brutal military
occupation has only hardened resistance.
Much like the Chinese in Tibet,
Indonesia has used settlement as a political tactic, promoting the migration
of Javanese to East Timor to overwhelm and subjugate the native
population. During the election,
Timorese frustration at being denied the right a referendum status boiled over,
leading to clashes that took at least 37 lives. Since then, Indonesian forces
have stepped up their arrests and torture.
President Clinton met in the White House the other day with
Bishop Carlos Belo, who last fall won
the Nobel Peace Prize for unflinching devotion to his countrymen and their
nonviolent struggle. Without advocating
any particular political solution, the
bishop has said the Timorese people must be consulted about their island's
future. He urged Mr. Clinton to press
Indonesia's leaders to respect human rights in East Timor. They have promised to do so before, but--as
the U.N. Human Rights Commission noted in April---their record is one of
"extrajudicial killings, disappearances, torture and arbitrary
detention." It's a record that
serves Indonesia poorly at home and abroad.
JULY
10 1997
Foreign Affairs
THOMAS L, FRIEDMAN
Living Dangerously
JAKARTA,
Indonesia
Pound for pound, Indonesia has to
be the least understood country in the world.
With 200 million people, it is the globe's fourth‑largest nation
and by far the largest Muslim country--triple the population of Iran. It take the same time to fly across the
17,000 islands and 300 different ethnic groups that make up Indonesia as It
does to fly across the U.S. But ask
most Americans about Indonesia and only three things are likely to come to
mind: Bali, East Timor and "The Year of Living Dangerously," starring
Mel Gibson.
The U.S. looms somewhat larger in Indonesia. The U.S. Congress has been one of the main
forces pressing for improved rights for Indonesian workers, as well as for the
much brutalized people of East Timor.
Human rights activists here say the U.S. spotlight has been crucial in
keeping Indonesia's leaders focused on addressing abuses, even if progress is
sporadic and at a snail's pace.
But in the wake of recent moves by Congress to block the
sale of nine F- 16 fighter jets to Indonesia and to freeze the training of
Indonesian military officers in America—because of Indonesia's occupation of
East Timor—Indonesians are beginning to fear that something new is going on:
America is going from criticizing them for certain abuses to turning Indonesia
into a pariah state—another Burma, China, Iraq or Iran.
If that's where Congress is heading, it would be both wrong
and stupid. Indonesia is too complex to
be a pariah. It has probably the best
macroeconomic management of any developing nation, along with mind boggling
corruption; It has political repression along with a tolerance for hundreds of
independent nongovernmental human rights groups and a press that is unafraid
to write about abuses; It has
occasional church burnings, but the most popular Muslim leader in the country
sent his daughter to study in Israel.
As one banned newspaper editor here remarked to me: "The Indonesian Government is a police
state about six hours a day. The other
18 hours you can negotiate with it, bribe It, ignore it or go around
it." And strategically, Indonesia
is the keystone of the Association of South East Asian Nations (Asean), which
is the main counterweight to China and Japan in this region. Turning Indonesia
into a pariah will produce a nationalist backlash here among the good guys,
let alone the bad. Listen to Foreign
Minister Ali Alatas.
What we had hoped," Mr. Alatas told me," was that
public opinion would not forget Indonesia's constructive role in world
affairs. We are not a pariah country
that is looking inward or that deserves to be hit on one issue only. Yes, we have an issue, we have East Timor,
but that's a complex issue with a long history that we are trying to resolve.
We are a huge society in continual growth.
It is not an easy country to govern and we have come very far.
Indonesia: puzzle not pariah.
" We are not causing the world problems because we have
dreams of becoming a nuclear power," added Mr. Alatas. "We don't believe in that Economically,
we have been at the forefront of the North-South dialogue, but with a very
rational voice. We are the biggest
Islamic population, but we are not an Islamic state. Take all of these factors and I think, humbly, we don't deserve
to be put Into a corner and to say, "You are a pariah nation and we must
clobber you all the time because of East Timor."
"You can criticize us about human rights; no country is
beyond criticism on human rights," continued Mr. Alatas. "We would prefer that you don't
criticize us by shouting from the roofs, but that you sit down and as a friend
say: 'Look, we don't like the way you
do things. You better change because
you're getting in trouble." But
why link it to such things as IMET?"
IMET stands for International Military Educational
Trading. It is a program under which
the Pentagon trains selected foreign military officers, in both military
matters and human rights. After the
1991 Dili massacre in East Timor, IMET for Indonesian officers was suspended.
"Indonesia Is a friend of the U.S., not an enemy,"
insisted Mr. Alatas. "It is
important not to make it an opponent.
Because an Indonesia that is feeling unjustifiably pushed around, an
Indonesia that feels that Indonesia-bashing is going on reaches a point where
it says, "Well, O.K. we've done what we can. If that is not understood
then we'll just shrug our shoulders and continue on"
In Indonesia,
Human Rights First, Then Aid
To
the Editor:
Thomas L. Friedman (column, July 10) worries that Congress
is treating Indonesia as a pariah state because of Its occupation of East
Timor. But Indonesia is a pariah under
International law, violating 10 United Nations resolutions that call upon
Jakarta to withdraw from East Timor,
where 200,000 people have been killed since Indonesia invaded the island
In 1975.
In the past month, the Indonesian Government has arrested
hundreds of civilians and bolstered its troops in East Timor by 6,000. The East
Timor Action Network reports that troops have engaged in a crackdown on the
resistance and the civilian population.
On June 19, the Far Eastern Economic Review reported that
United States Green Berets have been providing specialized training to the
Indonesian Special Forces. Indonesia is indeed a "complex" society,
but that does not mean the United States should train the soldiers meting out
such repression.
EYAL PRESS
Brooklyn, July 10,1997
East
Timor Action Network
P.O.
Box 38626
Philadelphia,
PA. 19104‑8626