White House Vigil for ERA v. Clark

746 F.2d 1518

[7] It is unnecessary for us to resolve this potentially thorny issue, however, because the parcels restriction clearly survives scrutiny under the reasonable time, place and manner test. The provision is narrowly tailored to address a security problem of the greatest magnitude, that of parcels left unattended on the White House sidewalk. Because any such parcel could contain an explosive device, all unattended parcels must be regarded as potentially suspect. [145]

The fact that the regulation limits the "nature, extent [or] duration" of demonstrations conducted on the White House sidewalk does not necessarily render it unconstitutional; [146] the burden it imposes on expression must be weighed against the government's substantial interest in presidential security and the safety of persons on the sidewalk. It is clear that the elderly, the handicapped and infirm, and those with young children to care for will still be able to engage in protest despite the regulation. Organizations (such as NOW) which stage vigils of extended duration will, in many instances, be able to accommodate the special needs of such participants through the use of "facilitators." [147] Such persons can supply demonstrators with the items they require either by carrying the items on their person or by bringing them across Pennsylvania Avenue from Lafayette Park. Even if an organization does not use facilitators or if a demonstrator is engaged in a lone vigil, we are convinced that protest of a meaningful duration will remain possible for any persons who would have been able to demonstrate before adoption of the regulations.


[145 The district court's modification, allowing parcels to be placed on the sidewalk if the owner remains within five feet of them, must be rejected not only because it constitutes impermissible "finetuning" of the regulatory mechanism, but also because it is more arbitrary and less effective than the original provision. A rule which prohibits any deposit of parcels on the sidewalk, except momentarily, is capable of being easily enforced. It requires the presence of a relatively small number of police officers, thereby avoiding the perception that the White House is an "armed enclave." Most importantly, it establishes a clear, bright line rule that does not lend itself to arbitrary or discriminatory enforcement. By contrast, the district court's modification would be difficult to enforce in an effective and even-handed manner. It would require police officers to ascertain both whether a parcel is located within five feet of a demonstrator and whether that demonstrator is its "owner." One envisions a contingent of Park Police with tape measures in hand, dutifully attempting to comply with the district court's order.]

[146 See Clark v. Community for Creative Non-Violence, 104 S.Ct. at 3070-71.]

[147See Collins Tr. at 76, 127-32 (use of facilitators by NOW).]

CONCLUSION

The regulations challenged here reflect the same variety of reasoned decisionmaking approved of by the Supreme Court in Clark v. Community for Creative Non-Violence and Regan v. Time. It is not the prerogative of this or any other court to question regulatory provisions affecting the time, place and manner of speech which lie within the zone of constitutionality prescribed by the first amendment. While the temptation to engage in judicial rulemaking may be powerful, our Constitution is best preserved by adherence to the proper judicial role.

Reversed.

WALD, Circuit Judge, concurring in the judgment in part and dissenting in part:

These cases are never easy. The nation has a paramount interest in the safety of its President, and judges must respect the experience and knowledge of the law enforcement agencies charged with protecting the President, his family, and others who live and work in the White House. In reviewing decisions about their security we must proceed with care.


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Nonetheless, our duty requires us ultimately to weigh for ourselves the merits of a first amendment challenge to agency regulations in this sensitive area. The appellees in this case, all of whom frequently demonstrate on the White House sidewalk, argue that the government has needlessly infringed their right "peaceably to assemble, and to petition the Government for a redress of grievances" at this center of executive power, and the district court sustained that view. While I agree with the majority that most of the Park Service regulations are not unconstitutional as written, in my view the majority opinion does not adequately dignify the constitutional interests at stake in this claim, and does not examine those interests with sufficient particularity. The majority tautologically informs us that if a regulation "lies within the zone prescribed by the first amendment it is constitutional," Maj. Op. at 1532, but unfortunately tells us very little about where the boundaries of that "zone" are found.

Prior cases of the Supreme Court and this court concerning time, place, and manner restrictions do not permit such uncritical deference to agency decisionmaking. Because we are deciding the content of constitutional principles with significant effect on future cases, I believe our differences merit the discussion that follows.

I. THE LEGAL STANDARDS

I have problems with the majority's legal analysis in three respects. First, I believe it discounts the district court's primary obligation to do the constitutional balancing for itself, and as a result overrates the appropriate scope of our appellate review. Second, it does not heed closely enough the requirement that time, place, and manner restrictions be "narrowly tailored." Recent Supreme Court cases on which the majority relies expressly reaffirm this test. Yet I read in the majority opinion hints that the government--as a result of those cases--now has greater latitude than previously to burden protected expression. As I parse those cases, however, they refine but do not revamp settled principles in first amendment law that govern our decision here. Finally, I disagree with the majority's analysis of the limited responses available to federal judges when they decide regulations are unconstitutional in part.

A

The majority explains its refusal to review the district court's findings under the usual Fed.R.Civ.P. 52 "clearly erroneous" standard by asserting that The issue for decision on this appeal is not factual, it is legal: did the Park Service draft regulations that were "narrowly tailored to serve a significant government interest"? The agency in this case was the institution charged with the principal resolution of factual issues; the court's role was limited to determining whether the regulations which the agency adopted were within the boundaries of constitutionality prescribed by the first amendment. Maj. Op., text at n. 83 (emphasis in original). The majority appears to reason that (1) the district court should have reviewed agency factfinding under a more deferential standard; (2) the district court's own "findings" are really conclusions of law, since it had no independent factfinding responsibility; and (3) therefore those "findings" are reviewable on appeal under the liberal standard for assessing legal error. I do not agree that this is an accurate statement of what a trial or appellate judge's responsibility is in such cases.

Judge Leventhal offered a balanced appraisal of judicial responsibility in first amendment cases. [T]his case is not a normal review of an executive action or administrative proceeding. When the executive or the administrative process abridges constitutional rights, it is subject to closer scrutiny than otherwise, and ultimately it is


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the court rather than the agency that must balance the competing interests. The question in this case is not whether some support for the regulations may be adduced, by reference to evidence in the record and a claim of reasonable inferences or concerns, but is whether the regulations at issue here are "unnecessarily restrictive for the purpose they are designed to serve." We now have ... a judicial determination based upon factual evidence adduced at a trial, indeed at a rather extensive and complete trial. To this determination we owe greater deference than to the untested administrative judgments with which we have been previously confronted. This decision being appealed was rendered by a district judge after consideration of both constitutional considerations, for which a judge has special concern, and the security considerations brought forward by the government officials. Moreover, the district judge had the benefit of the live testimony of the various witnesses whose assertions could be tested and probed on cross-examination. Thus, unless we discern clear error in the district court's findings of fact, or a mistake in its legal approach, we have no warrant for reversal. A Quaker Action Group v. Morton, 516 F.2d 717, 723-24 (D.C.Cir.1975) (footnote omitted) (quoting A Quaker Action Group v. Morton, 460 F.2d 854, 860 (D.C.Cir.1971)); see also Women Strike for Peace v. Morton, 472 F.2d 1273, 1289 (D.C.Cir.1972) (opinion of Wright, J.). [1]

In this case, the district court conducted a trial de novo, during which it exhaustively reviewed evidence relevant to the constitutionality of the regulations, including evidence offered by the governmental agencies. It was required to give the government's witnesses the attention their expertise warranted. But that evidence still had to undergo the judge's independent appraisal and judgment, and his factual findings deserve our approval unless clearly erroneous.

B

As the majority rightly notes, time, place, and manner restrictions must be justified without regard to the content of the message expressed; must be narrowly tailored to serve a significant government interest; and must leave open ample alternative channels of communication. See, e.g., Clark v. Community for Creative Non-Violence, --- U.S. ----, 104 S.Ct. 3065, 3069, 82 L.Ed.2d 221 (1984). The crux of this case involves the second element of the test.

United States v. O'Brien, 391 U.S. 367, 88 S.Ct. 1673, 20 L.Ed.2d 672 (1968), required that the incidental restrictions a regulation imposes on protected expression be no broader than is essential to the furtherance of the governmental interest at stake. Id. at 382, 88 S.Ct. at 1681. [2] That standard has been further broken down into two subsidiary inquiries. First, the challenged regulation must not unnecessarily contain provisions that entirely fail to advance the relevant governmental interest. If a regulation prohibits an identifiable class of expressive activity that does not pose any threat of the evil against which the regulation is directed, the courts will declare the


[1 See also Pullman-Standard v. Swint, 456 U.S. 273, 285-88, 102 S.Ct. 1781, 1788-89, 72 L.Ed.2d 66 (1982) (reaffirming doctrine that factual findings, including findings on so-called "ultimate" facts, are reviewable on appeal only under "clearly erroneous" standard). Some constitutional questions, however, present special problems. Cf. Bose Corp. v. Consumers Union, --- U.S. ----, 104 S.Ct. 1949, 80 L.Ed.2d 502 (1984).]

[2 O'Brien concerned a restriction on what was arguably symbolic speech. See 391 U.S. at 376-77, 88 S.Ct. at 1678-79. However, the Supreme Court has held that the O'Brien standard governs time, place, and manner restrictions as well. See Clark v. Community for Creative Non-Violence, --- U.S. ----, 104 S.Ct. 3065, 3071 & n. 8, 82 L.Ed.2d 221 (1984); id. 104 S.Ct. at 3076 n. 6 (Marshall, J., dissenting).]


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regulation unconstitutional as it applies to that class of expression. See Ely, Flag Desecration: A Case Study in the Roles of Categorization and Balancing in First Amendment Analysis, 88 Harv.L.Rev. 1482, 1485-90 (1975).

The second aspect of O'Brien 's "narrow tailoring" requirement looks to see if an alternative regulation would serve the government's interest nearly as efficiently but would be demonstrably less intrusive on protected expression. Of course, any regulation could be made a little less intrusive on speech, at the cost of a little more protection for first amendment concerns. In this case, for example, adding six inches to the maximum permissible sign dimensions would surrender some marginal protection for security interests for a marginal benefit to free expression, but this sort of whittling is not what the "narrowly tailored" requirement is about. Instead, the court must look to see if the burden on speech is approaching an unreasonable level, or a serious loss to speech is being imposed for a disproportionately small governmental gain. [3]

The government here offers two purposes for its regulations: a compelling interest involving security of the White House occupants and the law enforcement officers and individuals on its sidewalks, and a more limited aesthetic interest in an unobstructed view of the White House for visitors.

Before considering the regulations in detail, however, I want to register my disagreement with an insistent theme in the majority opinion that the Supreme Court's recent decisions have changed the character or the mood of appropriate judicial scrutiny for time, place, and manner restrictions. See, e.g., Maj. Op., text at n. 95. I believe those decisions are consistent with the O'Brien framework outlined above.

The recent Supreme Court pronouncements in Clark v. Community for Creative Non-Violence, --- U.S. ----, 104 S.Ct. 3065, 82 L.Ed.2d 221 (1984) and Regan v. Time, Inc., --- U.S. ----, 104 S.Ct. 3262, 82 L.Ed.2d 487 (1984), emphasize that a time, place, and manner regulation is not unconstitutional simply because some alternative regulation would, on the facts of the case before the court, satisfy the government's aims equally well and yet not restrict the expressive rights of that particular challenger. Regan yields a corollary to that principle: A time, place, and manner regulation is not unconstitutional as applied to situations that do not threaten the governmental interest at stake if that application is an unavoidable consequence of regulating other conduct that does threaten the interest at stake. In other words, if a regulation cannot reasonably be drafted so as to prohibit all the conduct the state really needs to suppress, without marginally prohibiting some expressive activity that is harmless, it will pass muster. It seems to me the majority's approach to interpreting Clark and Regan blurs these well- defined principles into a far more diffuse deference to the government.

In Clark, demonstrators for the homeless challenged the constitutionality of a Park Service regulation forbidding overnight camping in the park. The Court rejected the argument that the Park Service should be required to adopt some other regulatory scheme to protect the parklands from overuse without forbidding sleeping by those demonstrators, such as restricting the size, duration, or frequency of demonstrations.


[3 The handbilling cases are the classic examples: banning the public distribution of leaflets is an effective method of litter control, but its high cost to free speech and the existence of feasible alternatives, such as a prohibition on littering itself, make the tradeoff impermissible. See, e.g., Schneider v. State, 308 U.S. 147, 161-62, 60 S.Ct. 146, 150- 51, 84 L.Ed. 155 (1939); see also Schad v. Mount Ephraim, 452 U.S. 61, 67-71 & 70 n. 8, 101 S.Ct. 2176, 2181-84 & 2183 n. 8, 68 L.Ed.2d 671 (1981) (discussing cases). These cases are also discussed in Ely, Flag Desecration: A Case Study in the Roles of Categorization and Balancing in First Amendment Analysis, 88 Harv.L.Rev. 1482, 1485-90 (1975).]


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The Court observed that such measures "would still curtail the total allowable expression in which demonstrators could engage, whether by sleeping or otherwise," and concluded that "these suggestions represent no more than a disagreement with the Park Service over how much protection the core parks require or how an acceptable level of preservation is to be attained." Id. 104 S.Ct. at 3072. The proposed alternative regulations were less speech-restrictive on the facts presented in Clark; but viewed more generally, they were simply another regulatory scheme that would have allowed more expressive activity in some situations, and less expressive activity in others.

In Regan, Time magazine challenged an anti-counterfeiting statute prohibiting, among other things, reproducing United States currency in color. See id. 104 S.Ct. at 3264-65 (quoting 18 U.S.C. s 474 P 6, s 504). The Court rejected Time's arguments that the color ban was too broad because it included photographs so distorted that they were entirely incapable of aiding counterfeiting. Id. at 3274 & nn. 14-15.

Writing for a plurality of four, Justice White commented: That the limitations may apply to some photographs that are themselves of no use to counterfeiters does not invalidate the legislation. The less- restrictive-alternative analysis invoked by Time has never been a part of the inquiry into the validity of a time, place, and manner regulation. It is enough that the color restriction substantially serves the Government's legitimate ends. Id. at 3271-72 (footnote omitted). In a footnote to this paragraph, Justice White stated that "[i]f Time is exempted from the color requirement, so must all others who wish to use such reproductions. While Time may consistently use negatives and plates that are of little use to counterfeiters, there is no way of ensuring that others will adhere to that practice." Id. at 3272 n. 12. [4] In sustaining the color provision, Justice White thus relied on the notion that the government could not frame a narrower statute that adequately protected against the evil to be prevented. [5]

It is crucial, I believe, to consider the exact context in which Justice White wrote his rejection of least speech-restrictive analysis in time, place, and manner restrictions. In Regan, because no alternative was available that could have prohibited only the speech that the government had a legitimate interest in suppressing, the Court ruled the statute could be enforced


[4 The majority thinks that Justice White's footnote is unrelated to his rejection of less-restrictive-alternative analysis. See Maj.Op. at n. 93. I disagree. In the footnote, Justice White was responding to Justice Brennan's suggestion that "the particular negatives and plates used by Time would be of little assistance to counterfeiters," Regan, 104 S.Ct. at 3272 n. 12 (opinion of White, J.)--an argument that was basically a variation of the less-restrictive-alternative analysis urged by Time. Justice White argued that exempting Time would require the government to exempt all those who wanted to engage in similar expression, including expression that might assist counterfeiters. But if exempting Time and all those similarly situated would not have impaired the governmental interest at stake, Justice White's rationale would logically have required invalidation of the statute, as applied to that class of expression. For the statute would not then have "substantially serve[d] the Government's legitimate ends," id. at 3272, no matter how much unrelated, harmful conduct it prohibited.]

[5 Justice Stevens, who added the decisive fifth vote to uphold the color and size provisions, argued even more emphatically that Time's publication of highly distorted images could assist counterfeiters. See Regan, 104 S.Ct. at 3294-96 (Stevens, J., concurring in the judgment in part and dissenting in part). Since his views limit the holding of the case, Regan clearly cannot be read to establish that a regulation that burdens protected expression more broadly than necessary is constitutional merely because some other part of the regulation is genuinely addressed to a legitimate objective.]


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in all its applications. [6] Clark ruled that a challenger to a time, place, and manner restriction cannot win by merely conjuring up an alternative regulation that does not prohibit its conduct, regardless of the alternative regulation's effects on the expression of others. Seen in that light, the basic structure of the O'Brien test is still alive and well, and must be applied to these regulations.

C

The majority informs us that "it is not the province of the court to 'finetune' the regulations so as to institute the single regulatory option the court personally considers most desirable," and that the role of courts "is to uphold regulations which are constitutional and to strike down those which are not." Maj. Op., text at n. 83. Based on these unexceptionable generalizations, the majority expresses disapproval that "not only did [the district court] uphold some restrictions and reject others, it modified the content of individual provisions." Maj.Op., text at n. 32; see also id. n. 97. I do not share in that disapproval, for it seems to me the district court did exactly what it had to, assuming that its judgment of partial unconstitutionality was a correct one. The trial judge here simply indicated at what point he believed a regulation strayed over the bounds of constitutionality. In so doing he did not "rewrite" the regulation, but only elucidated what the results of his constitutional balancing permitted. The agency is always free to withdraw the regulations altogether rather than amend or apply them to conform to his views. Indeed, it can prepare new and different ones. The trial court's judgment is a clearcut one--that the regulation as written is or is not constitutional or that it may be applied to some but not other situations. For example, in United States v. Grace, 461 U.S. 171, 103 S.Ct. 1702, 75 L.Ed.2d 736 (1984), the Supreme Court considered the constitutionality of a statute barring certain demonstrations in the Supreme Court building or on its grounds, which included the surrounding sidewalks. The statute did not distinguish between the Supreme Court sidewalk and the rest of the building grounds, but the Court had no difficulty in finding the statute unconstitutional only as it applied to the sidewalk. See id. 103 S.Ct. at 1706, 1710. [7] Here, the district judge declared the parcels and sign attendance regulations unconstitutional as they applied to parcels and signs within five feet of the person owning or controlling them, but otherwise constitutional. See White House Vigil for the ERA Committee


[6 Regan suggests an important difference between the narrowly- tailored requirement of O'Brien, and less-restrictive-alternative analysis as applied to first amendment cases that do not involve time, place, and manner restrictions. Cf. Schad v. Mount Ephraim, 452 U.S. 61, 69 n. 7, 101 S.Ct. 2176, 2183 n. 7, 68 L.Ed.2d 671 (1981) (suggesting that lower demands apply to time, place, and manner restrictions). Ordinarily, a law that, at the margins, regulates some harmless protected expression may not constitutionally be enforced against that expression, even if this excessive scope is insignificant enough so that the law escapes facial invalidation as overbroad. See generally New York v. Ferber, 458 U.S. 747, 767-74, 102 S.Ct. 3348, 3360-63, 73 L.Ed.2d 1113 (1982). In the view of the Regan plurality, a time, place, and manner restriction that unavoidably and very marginally regulates harmless expression may be enforced against that expression.]

[7 The challengers in Grace sought only to demonstrate on the sidewalk, and the Court therefore had no occasion to rule on the constitutionality of the statute as it applied to other parts of the building and grounds. See 103 S.Ct. at 1706. However, the Court's rationale centered on the public character of the sidewalk and the harmlessness of the prohibited activities when conducted there. See id. at 1708-10. Obviously, quite different considerations would apply to enforcement of the statute against, for example, demonstrations inside the building. Grace certainly did not foreclose enforcement of the statute in such a case, as it would have if courts were really empowered only "to uphold regulations [or statutes] which are constitutional and to strike down those which are not." Maj.Op., text at n. 83. My point is that courts may--and traditionally do--find regulations valid as applied to some situations and invalid as applied to others, which is all the district court did in this case.]


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v. Clark, No. 83-1243 (D.D.C. Apr. 26, 1984) (order). If one was "rewriting," so was the other. I believe both courts were acting in time-honored fashion to decide whether the unconstitutional portion of a statute can be pared away without unduly disrupting the intended regulatory plan.


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